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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a significant triumph by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his opponents, Hemedti is respected by his loyalists for his ruthlessness and his promise to overthrow the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, neglected by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including 36 children.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting back-pay for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Later, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

International Connections

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to guard the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF enlistment offices for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

This backfired. In 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation began examining army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround key bases in Khartoum. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including military drones, used to strike army positions and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all inhabited territory in western Sudan.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling a vast network of interests.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a global community that overlooks.